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美在馬爾他 x 觸動地中海之心
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馬丁.路德.金-I have a dream.

馬丁路德金博士的正式姓名是小馬丁路德金博士,他是美國當代史上最著名的黑民眾權領袖。他的名字在世界上幾乎無人不知,無人不曉。

1968年,在美國民權運動風起雲湧的年代,金博士被刺身亡。但是在他去世後,他的名字卻越來越深入人心,越來越多的人感念他為美國民權運動發展做出的巨大貢獻,於是每年在金博士的生日前後,美國各界都以各種形式的活動對他表示紀念。

2000
年,美國首都規劃委員會批准在華盛頓建造一座『馬丁路德金博士博士紀念堂』----這座紀念堂將建在林肯紀念堂和傑弗遜紀念堂之間,民權人士對建造金博士紀念堂表示熱烈歡迎,認為這是對金博士歷史地位的承認。但是,另外一些人指出︰首都華盛頓中心地帶的許多建築物都是為紀念美國歷史上一些受歷代美國民眾敬仰的總統而修建的,他們認為︰金博士雖然也是一位偉人,但是他畢竟只是一位普通公民;因此雙方展開激烈辯論,經過辯論之後絕大多數人都認為︰馬丁.路德.金的身分不應該成為他在首都建造紀念堂的障礙。

從歷史的角度來說,在五、六十年代的美國民權運動中,他的歷史地位和功績幾乎無人能比,民權人士認為︰如果有人認為把馬丁.路德.金紀念堂建造在傑弗遜和林肯紀念堂之間不合適,那就更是荒謬了,因為從政治觀點和信仰方面來說,他們正是一脈相承的。

儘管在今日的美國,種族問題也還不算完全解決,但是回首前塵,情況更糟上百倍,在五零年代,黑人常常被剝奪受教育的權利,得不到尊敬;他們甚至連選舉權也沒有,馬丁路德金博士為了改變這種狀況持續領導遊行示威、進行演講,把自己的生死置之度外他大聲疾呼的民權活動以及後來他被暗殺的震撼,都讓整個美國認識到「傑弗遜」起草的獨立宣言以及「林肯」的廢奴宣言中所宣揚的平等和自由,在美國還沒有完全實現。


■■■
馬丁路德金博士小傳■■■

出身
他於1929年出生在美國南方喬治亞州的亞特蘭大;父親馬丁路德金是一位牧師,起初他把兒子起名為麥克爾金,後來改為小馬丁路德金。如今,許多人都把這位小馬丁路德金,直稱為馬丁路德金。

當時美國對黑人的種族歧視相當嚴重,種種的不平等待遇在小馬丁的心裡留下了抹不去的陰影。有一次父親帶小馬丁去買鞋,鞋店的人叫他們到店面的後頭的房間去試穿,讓他們父子相當氣憤,於是他們離開鞋店沒有買鞋。還有一次常和小馬丁一起玩耍的孩子告訴他說:以後他們不能再和他一起玩了,因為他們是白人而小馬丁是黑人。小馬丁感到深深地受到了傷害,而他的母親試圖讓他了解什麼是歧視和偏見:儘管黑人已不再是奴隸,但是在許多方面他們還沒有真正享受到自由小馬丁喜歡體育活動、喜歡打籃球和摔角,也喜歡讀書,他特別喜歡閱讀有關黑人歷史上傑出人物的傳記,從中了解到他們是怎樣克服困難、取得成功

 善於詞令演說動人

做牧師的父親,對馬丁影響很大。從父親在教會的佈道中,馬丁學會了運用生動的語言和詞彙來吸引聽眾的技巧。天賦和外界的薰陶使馬丁很快就在使用語言方面運用自如了。中學時,馬丁就贏得過演講比賽的第一名。

1
944年,馬丁十五歲時進入亞特蘭大的黑人學院摩爾豪斯學院讀書。他的父親和祖父也曾在那裡上過學。馬丁知道父親想讓他將來也做牧師,但是在開始的時候馬丁還決定不了。在和學校裡的神學教授們有過一些接觸之後,馬丁才打定主意,將來要做一位真正的牧師,能夠在精神上和知識上都激勵人並且能夠積極參與社會活動。1948年,馬丁從摩爾豪斯學院畢業,獲得社會學學位。之後,馬丁去了克羅澤神學院深造。1951年,馬丁從神學院畢業,獲得神學學士學位。在學校裡,教授們講到的印度聖雄甘地的非暴力不合作運動給了馬丁很大的啟發;他從甘地的身上認識到可以把道德的力量運用在改善種族關係上。馬丁從神學院以榮譽學生的身分畢業,並代表全體畢業生發作秀講。在那以後,馬丁獲得了到波士頓大學深造的獎學金。

 波士頓城遇終身伴侶科雷塔

在波士頓,馬丁遇到了來自阿拉巴馬州的女孩科雷塔。年輕美麗的科雷塔當時是新英格蘭音樂學院聲樂系的學生。兩人一見傾心,於1953年結婚,婚禮由馬丁的父親主持。科雷塔對種族隔離制度也深惡痛絕,她和馬丁一樣夢想著有一天世界上所有的人都將是平等的。1955年,馬丁完成了他在系統神學方面的博士學位,馬丁夫婦決定回到南方去。他們認為在那裡他們將會在實現種族平等的事業上做出他們的貢獻。

 蒙哥馬利爭取民權

回到南方以後,馬丁在阿拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市一所教會擔任牧師。一年以後,馬丁夫婦的第一個孩子問世。
1955
年,蒙哥馬利的黑人女工羅莎.派克斯拒絕在公共汽車上把座位讓給白人,結果被逮捕,並被法庭處以罰款。這在蒙哥馬利引起了黑人大規模的抗議示威。馬丁積極參與抗議活動,並參與組織了美國南方黑人的領導機構,並擔任領導職務。此後,馬丁在美國各地不斷地旅行演講,宣傳運用非暴力模式爭取民權。另外,馬丁夫婦還去了歐洲、非洲以及亞洲的印度。在印度,馬丁特別研究了甘地運用非暴力的手段爭取自由的模式。

 美國首都宣揚理想

1963
828號,二十五萬黑人為爭取民權在首都華盛頓集會。馬丁.路德.金博士在集會上發表了他著名的演講我有一個夢想1964年,金博士三十五歲,他獲得了當年的諾貝爾和平獎。

 田納西州遇刺身亡

1968年4月4號,馬丁.路德.金博士在田納西州孟菲斯羅林酒店的陽台上遇刺。兇手的一顆子彈擊中了他的頸部,馬丁.路德.金博士不幸遇難,年僅三十九歲。時隔三十多年後,一座馬丁.路德.金紀念堂在首都華盛頓動工興建。這將成為人們懷念馬丁.路德.金博士的一個永久場所。轉自《美國之音》

 


 


I Have A Dream  Martin Luther King, Jr,
Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. August 28, 1963. 

     I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. 


     Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.

    
     One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.


   In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.


   It is obvious today that has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."


   But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.


   We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.


   It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.


   There will be neither rest nor tranquility in until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.


   But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must ever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.


   The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.


   And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.


   I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow. I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.


   I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed; we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.


   I have a dream, that one day on the red hills of the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.


   I have a dream, that one day even the state of Mississippi , a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.


   I have a dream, that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

  
   I have a dream today!


   I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today!


   I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.


    This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning "My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!" And if is to be a great nation, this must become true.


And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire .

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York .

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California .


But not only that.


Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi , from every mountainside, let freedom ring!


And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual,

 "Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last."
 

 


 

馬丁﹒路德﹒金
1963828
美國華盛頓特區林肯紀念堂

今天,我高興地同大家一起,參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。


一百年前,一名偉大的美國人(林肯)-今天我們站在他偉大的身影之下-他在《解放宣言》上簽字, 這個重大的法令對被蔑視的、在不公義的烈焰中受苦的數百萬個黑人奴隸來說,恰如一盞帶來希望之光的明燈;充滿愉悅的破曉終結了囚禁他們的漫長黑夜。 


然而,
100年後,黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年後,黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚於種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年後,黑人依然生活在物質繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年後,黑人依然在美國社會中間向隅而泣,依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以,我們今天來到這裡,要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸於眾。



從某種意義上說,我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨立宣言的輝煌篇章時,就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾─不論白人還是黑人─都享有不可讓渡的生存權、自由權和追求幸福權。



然而,今天美國顯然對她的「有色公民」拖欠這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神聖的債務,而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票,一張蓋了「資金不足」的印戳、被退回的支票。但是,我們決不相信正義的銀行會破產。我們決不相信這個國家巨大的機會寶庫會資金不足。



因此,我們來兌現這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。



我們來到這塊聖地還為了提醒美國:現在正是萬分緊急的時刻。現在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進主義鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實現民主諾言的時候。現在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷,踏上種族平等的陽關大道的時候。現在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙,踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時候。現在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時候。



忽視這一時刻的緊迫性,對於國家將會是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來,黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會過去。
1963年不是一個結束,而是一個開端。

如果國家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需『出出氣』就會心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權之前,美國既不會安寧,也不會平靜。反抗的旋風將繼續震撼我們國家的基石,直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。


但是,對於站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的人們,有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中,切不要錯誤行事導致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒,來解除對於自由的飲渴。



我們應該永遠得體地、紀律嚴明地進行鬥爭。我們不能容許我們富有創造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。我們應該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。

他們的命運同我們的命運緊密相連,他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關。他們今天來到這裡參加集會就是明証。


我們不能單獨行動。當我們行動時,我們必須保證勇往直前。我們不能後退。有人問熱心民權運動的人:“你們什麼時候會感到滿意?”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品,我們就決不會滿意。只要我們在旅途勞頓後,卻被公路旁汽車遊客旅社和城市旅館拒之門外,我們就決不會滿意。只要黑人的基本活動範圍只限於從狹小的黑人居住區到較大的黑人居住區,我們就絕不會滿意。只要我們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子剝奪個性,損毀尊嚴,我們就決不會滿意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉,紐約的黑人認為他們與選舉毫不相,我們就決不會滿意。不,不,我們不會滿意,直至公正似水奔流,正義如泉噴湧。



我並非沒有注意到你們有些人歷盡艱難困苦來到這裡。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。有些人來自因追求自由而遭受迫害風暴襲擊和警察暴虐狂飆摧殘的地區。你們飽經風霜,歷盡苦難。繼續努力吧,要相信:無辜受苦終得拯救。



回到密西西比去吧;回到南卡羅來納去吧;回到「喬治亞」去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區去吧。要知道,這種情況能夠而且將會改變。我們切不要在絕望的深淵裡沈淪。



朋友們,今天我要對你們說,盡管眼下困難重重,但我依然懷有一個夢。這個夢深深植根於美國夢之中。



我夢想有一天,這個國家將會奮起,實現其立國信條的真諦:“我們認為這些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。”



我夢想有一天,在喬治亞州的紅色山崗上,昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐,親如手足。



我夢想有一天,甚至連密西西比州,一個非正義和壓迫的熱浪逼人的荒漠之州,也會改造成為自由和公正的青青綠洲。



我夢想有一天,我的四個小女兒將生活在一個不是以皮膚的顏色,而是以品格的優劣作為評判標準的國家裡。



我今天懷有一個夢。



我夢想有一天,阿拉巴馬州會有所改變──盡管該州州長現在仍滔滔不絕地說什麼要對聯邦法令提出異議和拒絕執行──在那裡,黑人兒童能夠和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地攜手並行。



我今天懷有一個夢。



我夢想有一天,深谷彌合,高山夷平,歧路化坦途,曲徑成通衢,上帝的光華再現,普天下生靈共謁。



這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個信念,我們就能從絕望之山開採出希望之石。有了這個信念,我們就能把這個國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲,變為充滿手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個信念,我們就能一同工作,一同祈禱,一同鬥爭,一同入獄,一同維護自由,因為我們知道,我們終有一天會獲得自由。



到了這一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌:



我的祖國,可愛的自由之邦,我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方,這是早期移民自豪的地方,讓自由之聲,響徹每一座山崗。



如果美國要成為偉大的國家,這一點必須實現。因此,讓自由之聲響徹「新罕布什爾州」的巍峨高峰!


讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺!
讓自由之聲響徹賓州的阿勒格尼高峰!

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛磯山!讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰!
不,不僅如此;讓自由之聲響徹喬治亞州的石山!讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山!
讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰,一個個土丘!讓自由之聲響徹每一個山崗!


那時,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,猶太教徒和非猶太教徒,耶穌教徒和天主教徒,將能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌:
“終於自由了!終於自由了!

感謝全能的上帝,我們終於自由了!

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